I call for a re-orientation of disaster preparedness and recovery programs at all levels away from the standard fixes focused on physical infrastructure towards ones targeting social infrastructure.
Fixing Recovery: Social Capital in Post-Crisis Resilience
Daniel P. Aldrich1
Forthcoming, Journal of Homeland Security, June 2010
Abstract: Disasters remain among the most critical events which impact residents and their
neighborhoods; they have killed far more individuals than high salience issues such as terrorism.
Unfortunately, disaster recovery programs run by the United States and foreign governments
have not been updated to reflect a new understanding of the essential nature of social capital and
networks. I call for a re-orientation of disaster preparedness and recovery programs at all levels
away from the standard fixes focused on physical infrastructure towards ones targeting social
infrastructure. The reservoirs of social capital and the trust (or lack thereof) between citizens in
disaster-affected communities can help us understand why some neighborhoods in cities like
Kobe, Japan, Tamil Nadu, India, and New Orleans, Louisiana displayed resilience while others
stagnated. Social capital ? the engine for recovery - can be deepened both through local
initiatives and interventions from foreign agencies.
In the wake of the disastrous Haitian earthquake which killed at least 230,000 people and
the Chilean earthquake which killed more than 700 residents, images of the tragedy and pleas for
donations have captured world-wide attention. While the aid that has flooded into these countries
will no doubt do much good, decision makers and NGOs have overlooked the real route to
revitalization both in Haiti, Chile, and other crisis-struck communities around the world.
Recovery from natural and other disasters does not depend on the overall amount of aid received
nor on the amount of damage done by the disaster; instead, social capital - the bonds which tie
citizens together ? functions as the main engine of long term recovery.
Daniel P. Aldrich is assistant professor of public policy at Purdue University and the author of the book SITE
FIGHTS: Divisive Facilities and Civil Society in Japan and the West (Cornell University Press 2008) along with a
number of other peer-reviewed articles and writings for the general public. Research for this project was carried out
while on an Abe Fellowship from the Center for Global Partnership and the Social Science Research Council. He
can be reached at daniel.aldrich[at]gmail.com.
Formal and informal ties coordinate action and diffuse information among citizens and
policymakers as they seek to solve social problems. While most recognize the value of social
networks in our everyday lives, disaster recovery policies often overlook and at times upset these
resources in their efforts to deliver necessary physical and material aid to victims. Here I am not
repeating the oft-voiced criticisms of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), the Federal
Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), USAID, the Department of Defense (DOD), and
other agencies which handle disasters at home and abroad - namely that they are underfunded,
understaffed, and underprepared for major catastrophes. Rather, based on a new cross-national
research project on neighbors struck by disaster, I call for a re-orientation of disaster recovery
programs at all levels ? local, national, and international - away from the standard ?fixes?
focused on physical infrastructure towards ones targeting social infrastructure.
Typical Approaches to Disaster Recovery
Most coverage on natural disasters focuses understandably on the extent of physical
damage: lives lost, buildings destroyed, and infrastructure ruined. Many intuitively believe that
the extent of the damage determines the speed of the recovery (Kates and Pijawka 1977:12; Dacy
and Kunreuther 1969: 72; Haas, Kates, and Bowden 1977); similarly, it seems obvious that the
more assistance and money flowing in, the better off victims will be (cf. Caputo 2010). As a
result of these approaches, governmental and NGO response to disasters has been premised on
the idea that moving more money, supplies, and experts into affected areas will result in a faster
recovery. Local and national government bureaus and volunteer organizations like the Red
Cross and the Salvation Army envision their mission as progressing from search and rescue to
mass care to infrastructure recreation. FEMA coordinates the removal of debris, delivery of ice
and water, repair of damaged roofs, and the creation of temporary housing. Overseas, military
personnel work alongside other organizations to deliver food, water, and tent cities to survivors.
Once order is restored, agencies may rebuild basic infrastructure (bridges, power lines, roads)
Three recent disasters provide telling evidence that social networks ? and not aid or
damage levels ? create efficient recoveries. Comparison of the one-year anniversaries of the
Kobe Earthquake, Hurricane Katrina, and the Indian Ocean Tsunami demonstrates that recovery
is linked neither to the scale of destruction nor to the amount of financial assistance that flows
into the country. Though the 1995 Kobe earthquake killed 6,500 and made 300,000 homeless,
within a year the city restored all utilities and resumed trade and exports at 80% and
manufacturing at 80% of pre-disaster levels. One year after the 2004 tsunami which caused
8,000 deaths and left 310,000 homeless, the Tamil Nadu region of India rebuilt almost all of its
schools, fixed 75% of the damaged housing stock, and put most of its fishermen back to work.
In New Orleans, however, one year after Hurricane Katrina, which killed 1,600 and left 250,000
homeless, some neighborhoods remained apparently untouched from the time waters struck, less
than half of the schools, restaurants, and stores were open across the city, and employment
hovered at less than two-thirds its pre-storm level. In some fields, such as public transportation,
hospital openings, and child care centers, rebuilding all but ground to a halt.
These cases contravene traditional explanations. Kobe experienced the most damage --
$180 billion to New Orleans? $150 billion and India?s $3 billion. New Orleans and Kobe had
more financial resources with per capita incomes of $28,000 and $27,000 respectively to just
$700 per person in Tamil Nadu. FEMA provided $16 billion and India distributed $2.1 billion
to survivors, while Japan, under its ?no compensation? policy, gave nothing. Despite clear
material advantages, few dispute that New Orleans has recovered slower than its Asian
counterparts. While poor governance may be a culprit, intra-city variation in recovery suggests
that community characteristics, such as trust and social capital, better explain the
differences. New Orleans? Vietnamese neighborhood of Village de L?Est, for example,
recovered quickly due to its dense community networks and high levels of trust, while other
neighborhoods lacking these characteristics stagnated (Chamlee-Wright 2010).
A social capital deficit may explain why New Orleans as a whole did not witness the
vibrant recovery seen in Kobe or Tamil Nadu despite its significant material advantages. Like
two individuals exposed to the same disease, recovery may have more to do with the quality of
the host than the nature of the illness. Communities with more trust, civic engagement, and
stronger networks can better bounce back after a crisis than fragmented, isolated ones (Aldrich
2008). We can measure social resources through proxies such as levels of trust (in fellow
citizens and in government officials), the propensity to expend time and energy on civic duties
(such as voting in local, regional, and national elections), and the ability of citizens to mobilize
cooperatively (through demonstrations, neighborhood cleanup days, and other collective action).
Citizens in Kobe and India ? despite vastly different levels of income ? showed stronger
propensity to mobilize as a community (in informal networks and through caste councils in India
and through voting and creating self-help groups in Kobe) than those in New Orleans. Across
the Big Easy, some neighborhoods ? such as Village de L?Est ? displayed strong ties among
residents, creating clearinghouses of recovery information and tools while working collectively
to clean up damaged housing; others showed little, if any broad scale cooperative activity
(LaRose 2006; Faciane 2007). Field hospitals, water, and food are certainly important and often
life-saving resources for survivors, but without social capital these programs and other schemes
which focus solely on physical infrastructure in no way guarantee resilience or effective recovery.
The Role of Social Capital
Social capital ? the networks and social resources available to us ? matters immediately
following crisis (the emergency response phase) and in the long period of recovery afterwards
(restoration). When disaster strikes, the first responders are not trained emergency personnel but
rather local residents and neighbors (Perrow 2007). In disaster after disaster we have seen
parents find and pull their children from the rubble and residents struggle with shovels to
extricate elderly neighbors from collapsed houses. By the time domestic or international rescue
personnel arrive on the scene, many victims are already rescued by locals or are dead. While
foreign rescue teams pulling survivors out a week after an earthquake makes front page headlines,
it is the exception, not the norm. After the Kobe earthquake, when narrow streets and debris
prevented official aid from reaching victims, local citizens formed bucket brigades and searched
the debris to find survivors (Tsuji 2001: 56; Shaw and Goda 2004: 21). Similarly, after Katrina,
local rescuers with deep knowledge of the local terrain arrived well before the National Guard
troops were on the scene.
In the months and years of rebuilding that follow disasters, social networks continue to be
a critical resource in three ways. First, social ties can serve as ?informal insurance,? providing
victims with information, financial help, and physical assistance (Beggs, Haines, and Hurlbert
1996). Rather than a market based type of formal insurance in which members pay premiums to
a corporation in exchange for health or life insurance, informal insurance involves friends and
neighbors providing information, tools, living space, and help. After disasters, individuals who
are better connected to more individuals receive more assistance post-disaster than less-
connected people (Hurlbert, Haines, and Beggs 2000: 594). Free housing, child care assistance,
short term loans, and information are readily available from core network members in post-crisis
times when it may not be accessible from organizations such as the local government,
professional childcare services, and other institutions. Following the Kobe earthquake, many
survivors went to live with family and friends who provided a spare bedroom or cleaned out
unoccupied space for their new boarders rather than seeking long term shelter in government
provided housing. Survivors of tornadoes in the Midwest need to borrow water, chainsaws,
diesel generators, and other equipment that they do not own and are not available due to the
closure of stores. Neighbors and friends ? not government agencies or NGOs - provide the
necessary resources for recovery after disaster.
Information and signals from civil society ? such as ?who is coming back when and what
services will be provided? ? are critical to decision-making processes of survivors, and cannot be
replaced by government pronouncements (Chamlee-Wright and Rothschild 2007: 2). Survivors
of Katrina did not want to return to be the only household on their blocks, as this could be risky
due to both crime and a lack of social support. While New Orleans city officials could regularly
update the status of electrical and gas utilities, schools, and other facilities, such top-down
memos and press releases about broader ?Building Back Plans? held little useful information to
homeowners who were more interested in hearing if their neighbors also planned on returning
(Chamlee-Wright 2010). Similarly, research on post-war Japan underscored how regional social
networks collaborated with the national government to speed up reconstruction by providing
information and facilitating implementation of recovery plans (Kage forthcoming).
Second, organized communities can better mobilize and overcome barriers to collective
action (Olson 1965). While survivors may agree that temporary housing, debris clearing, and the
reconnection of utilities are critical, they may not be able to coordinate their efforts to bring
about these desired outcomes. Neighbors with greater levels of social capital share information
about bureaucratic procedures and upcoming deadlines, monitor public space to prevent dumping,
and deter looting in their community (Dow 1999; DeFilippis 2001). Following the Kobe
earthquake, for example, local residents in some neighborhoods organized to plan cooperative,
fireproof housing while other areas waited for guidance from city officials (Olshansky
forthcoming). Survivors of the Haiti earthquake spontaneously organized watch committees to
guard belongings from theft and individuals from harm. Social capital can assist individuals in
attracting and controlling resources, as better organized and mobilized regions can more
successfully access the loans, supplies, and other resources. In New Orleans, when 500
signatures were needed to prompt Entergy ? the local utility - to restore electrical power to the
neighborhood, more than 1000 residents of the neighborhood of Village de L?Est were able to
sign on by the end of the day. Even with grant money, low social capital communities may find
it difficult to recover. The neighborhood of Mikura in Kobe, could not coordinate debris removal
because no one volunteered to organize written agreements from property owners (Evans 2001:
177; Yasui 2007: 227).
Third, and finally, survivors have difficult choices to make following a disaster. They
could leave the community ? an option economists call ?exit? ? or they can stay and use their
?voice? to call for assistance, changes to rebuilding plans, and accountability from elected
representatives (Hirschman 1970). Strong social networks raise the cost of exit from a
community and increase the probability that residents will exercise voice to join rebuilding
efforts and seek to improve their lot. Private citizens with a long-term stake in the community
will most be the most motivated to rebuild and possess the greatest capacity to do so while
isolated individuals will be less likely to do either (Chamlee-Wright and Rothschild 2007). In
fact, citizens bound by fewer ties to their neighbors are more likely to engage in illegal and
disruptive acts which impede recovery efforts, neutralizing positive efforts at rehabilitation
efforts (Varshney 2001; Lee and Bartkowski 2004). To paraphrase an old platitude, a rebuilt
bridge or refurbished home does not a community make.
The current situation parallels 1950s-era beliefs about investment and foreign aid for
developing nations. For years, Western bureaucrats and donors imagined that large capital
investments would jumpstart developing economies in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Study
after study showed that these bridges, roads, and other facilities did little to alter the productivity,
skills, or entrepreneurial behavior of local residents (Ahn and Ostrom 2008: 89). As scholars
pointed out, ?It soon became clear, however, that merely pumping physical and financial
resources into poor countries was having, at best, a marginal positive impact? (Woolcock and
Radin 2008: 415). In fact, aid ? whether for development or disaster recovery ? often created
perverse incentives in the recipient population which further undermined broader attempts at
economic and social growth (Gibson, Andersson, Ostrom, and Shivakumar 2005). In the mid
1990s, the World Bank began to recognize the need to invest in social infrastructure. Through a
new perspective focused on building local trust, interconnectedness, and networks, the World
Bank moved beyond physical infrastructure to a new focus on the role of social infrastructure.
Trust magnified the effectiveness of foreign aid; societies with more of it could better use the
new infrastructure to improve factor productivity, educational levels, and so on (Woolcock 2002).
The Way Forward: New Policies and Programs
Given the importance of social resources, what should be done in future disaster recovery
policies? First, government decision makers and nonprofit sectors must recognize the critical
role of social capital and social resources. At best, social capital and local networks are
mentioned peripherally by disaster planners, if they are mentioned at all. For example, grants are
available for post-disaster mental health programs in the U.S. through the Crisis Counseling
Assistance and Training Program, but these activities focus on individuals experiencing
psychological distress, not on maintaining, restoring, or developing their social networks. The
United Nations Team for Tsunami Recovery Support openly recognized the need for ?social
reintegration? of survivors but provided few details for how to do so.
A number of post-disaster plans, such as the random assignment of survivors to nearby
temporary shelters or permanent housing, actually damage existing stocks of social capital.
While recovery coordinators may imagine that quick evacuation of survivors would somehow
save more lives than a more methodical mass departure plan, their assumptions are often
mistaken. Following the Kobe earthquake, for example, the placement of many senior citizens in
huge, Soviet-style apartment blocks resulted in a number of ?lonely deaths,? where elders passed
away without anyone even knowing of the event. Many argued that these deaths were
completely preventable; had they been placed near friends, acquaintances, or old neighbors,
these seniors would have felt connected to the broader community and had something to live for.
Following the tsunami, local residents bitterly complained that their random resettlement severed
connections to friends and family who often provided child care, informal job assistance, and
help in daily living. Without these resources, tsunami survivors found themselves struggling to
resume their normal lives. The buses in New Orleans headed for temporary shelters out of town
did not post signs which would have let survivors know where they were heading. Providing
this simple information could have allowed New Orleans survivors to travel to cities and towns
where they had family and friends. More broadly, preserving communities ? either through
placement in the same shelter or through the provision of email, cell phone, and texting devices -
in post-disaster housing is only the start.
A handful of innovators have taken notice of social infrastructure in post crisis
environments and sought to use it in their policies. In 2002, the United States Department of
Agriculture put out a report entitled Homeowners, Communities, and Wildfire: Science Findings
from the National Fire Plan. In that document, planners recognized the need to integrate social
capital in plans for improving community preparedness for wildfires ((Jakes 2002). Japanese
law enforcement personnel have written openly about the critical role post-crisis for local
volunteers who better know disaster-struck neighborhoods and can respond more efficiently than
centralized planners (Araki 2003). Seattle, Washington has set up a disaster response plan
entitled Seattle Neighborhoods Actively Prepare which provides explicit roles for local
homeowners and residents. USAID has provided $140 million for the Iraq Community Action
Program to mobilize local citizens for decision making processes and strengthen governance at
the local level. Archaeologists have struggled to protect national treasures from looters and
describe how local community members ? not centralized law enforcement personnel ? can most
effectively combat pillaging at archaeological sites in Peru, Iraq, and elsewhere (Atwood 2009).
What can governmental decision makers involved in disaster planning do? They must
first recognize that social capital ? like other fungible assets ? can be increased (or decreased)
through policy. Next, thanks to GIS (geographical information systems), we can identify
socially vulnerable locations, especially the communities of the Gulf Coast and slums and
villages in developing nations locations (Cutter and Emrich 2006; Cutter and Finch 2008). The
next goal is to build up the trust and networks in these areas and in cities and towns. Scholars
such as Anirudh Krishna (2007) have demonstrated that trust, interactions, and informal
networks can develop and strengthen over time because of self-initiated local organizations and
local leaders. Further, external programs ? not just locally initiated ones ? can strengthen
existing civil society and create new bonds between citizens. Studies carried out in Nicaragua
and in South Africa showed that locally-tailored programs can improve both local trust and civic
participation even in areas with low incomes and little education (Brune and Bossert 2009;
Pronyk, Harpha, Busza, Phetla, Morison, Hargreaves, Kim, Watts, and Porter 2008).
Other, currently experimental methods for increasing social capital include policies
which create incentives for local community participation. In some programs in Japan and the
United States, volunteers receive scrip that can be exchanged for goods and services from local
merchants (Lietaer 2004). Encouraging citizens to serve food or assist the weak at elder hostels,
serve as Big Brothers, or work together on building new homes can increase stores of social
capital and deepen trust (Doteuchi 2002; Richey 2007). Another way to increase social capital in
vulnerable or disrupted areas is through the creation of local-level organizations ? such as
children?s halls and play schools ? which provide parents with new sources of relevant
information along with links to external agencies (Ono 1998; Kobayashi 2006; Small 2009).
Urban and suburban infrastructure design itself can also influence levels of social capital; we
must alter the layout of new communities to increase interaction among residents. Walkable,
mixed-use neighborhoods (Leyden 2003) along with intentional communities and co-housing
(Poley and Stephenson 2007) encourage the development of bonds among neighbors. Most
broadly, social capital thrives in an environment where residents believe in their efficacy as
citizens and have trust in each other and their representatives; when failing states such as Haiti
undergo tragedy, donors and UN personnel should help overhaul governance mechanisms to
build new institutions that will positively interact with social resources. All of these possibilities
must be on the table if policy designers want to move beyond the outdated structures which
continue to define our response to crises at home and abroad.
Thanks to decades of studies on social capital, we have come to recognize its role in
building up responsive governance, increasing innovation and business growth, and promoting
better health. Disasters remain among the most critical shocks which impact residents and their
neighborhoods around the world; they have killed far more than high salience issues such as
terrorism. While large scale crises such as the Indian Ocean tsunami and Haiti?s and Chile?s
2010 earthquakes captured media attention, numerous smaller-scale floods, typhoons,
earthquakes, and mudslides killed hundreds of thousands of victims around the world and
affected far more. Researchers have confirmed an upward trend in the number in the number of
disasters, individuals affected by them, and their economic costs over the past two decades.
Scientists predict that the global cost of disaster, both in terms of lives and property damage, will
only increase with the progression of global warming. Ensuring that social capital is on the
agenda for decision makers will create future plans that will be more effective and generate
Ahn, T.K. and Ostrom, Elinor. (2008). Social Capital and Collective Action. In Dario Castiglione,
Jan W. van Deth, and Guglielmo Wolleb, eds. The Handbook of Social Capital. New York:
Oxford University Press, pp. 70-100.
Aldrich, Daniel P. (2008). The crucial role of civil society in disaster recovery and Japan?s
emergency preparedness. Japan aktuell [Journal of Current Japanese Affairs] Vol. 3 September
pp. 81 - 96.
Beggs, John, Haines, Valerie, and Hurlbert, Jeanne. (1996). Situational Contingencies
Surrounding the Receipt of Informal Support. Social Forces, Vol. 75, No. 1. pp. 201-222.
Brune, Nancy and Bossert, Thomas. (2009). Building social capital in post-conflict
communities: Evidence from Nicaragua. Social Science & Medicine Vol. 68 pp. 885?893.
Caputo, Marc. (2010). New Orleans is recovering, and offering lessons for Haiti. February 21
Chamlee-Wright, Emily. (2010). The Cultural and Political Economy of Recovery: Social
learning in a post-disaster environment. New York: Routledge.
Chamlee-Wright, Emily and Rothschild, Daniel. (2007). Disastrous Uncertainty: How
Government Disaster Policy Undermines Community Rebound. Mercatus Policy Series Policy
Comment No. 9.
Cutter, Susan and Emrich, Christopher. (2006). Moral Hazard, Social Catastrophe: The Changing
Face of Vulnerability along the Hurricane Coasts. Annals of the American Academy of Political
and Social Science. Vol 604 pp. 102-112.
Cutter, Susan and Finch, Christina. (2008). Temporal and spatial changes in social vulnerability
to natural hazards. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences Vol. 105 No. 7 pp 2301?
Dacy, Douglas and Kunreuther, Howard. (1969). The Economics of Natural Disasters:
Implications for Federal Policy. New York: The Free Press.
DeFilippis, James. (2001). The Myth of Social Capital in Community Development. Housing
Policy Debate Vol. 12 Issue 4 pp. 781 ? 806.
Doteuchi, Akio. (2002). Community Currency and NPOs?A Model for Solving Social Issues in
the 21st Century. NLI Research Paper No. 163.
Dow, Kirstin. (1999). The Extraordinary and the Everyday in Explanations of Vulnerability to an
Oil Spill. Geographical Review, Vol. 89, No. 1 pp. 74-93.
Evans, Neil. (2001). Community Planning in Japan: The Case of Mano, and its Experience in the
Hanshin Earthquake. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation for School of East Asian Studies,
University of Sheffield.
Faciane, Valerie. (2007). Vietnamese Community Thriving in eastern N.O. Times Picayune 23
Gibson, Clark C., Andersson, Krister, Ostrom, Elinor and Shivakumar, Sujai. (2005). The
Samaritan?s Dilemma: The Political Economy of Development Aid. New York: Oxford
Haas, J. Eugene, Kates, Robert W., Bowden, Martyn J., eds. (1977). Reconstruction following
Disaster. Cambridge, MA: MIT University Press.
Hirschman, Albert. (1970). Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms,
Organizations, and States. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Hurlbert, Jeanne S., Haines, Valerie A., Beggs, John J. (2000). Core Networks and Tie
Activation: What Kinds of Routine Networks Allocate Resources in Nonroutine Situations?
American Sociological Review, Vol. 65, No. 4. pp. 598-618.
Kage, Rieko. (Forthcoming). Civic Engagement in Postwar Japan. New York: Cambridge
Kates, Robert and Pijawka, David. (1977). From Rubble to Monument: The Pace of
Reconstruction. In J. Eugene Haas, Robert Kates, and Martyn Bowden, eds., Reconstruction
Following Disasters. Cambridge MA: MIT Press, pp. 1-23.
Kobayashi, Masahiro. (2006). Kant? Daishinsai go no Sh?gakk? Kenchiku ? ?Fukk? Sh?gakk??
no Zeny? to T?ky?shi Kenchikukyoku ni yoru Gakk? Sekkei [A Study on the Buildings of
Elementary Schools after the Great Kanto Earthquake: A Broader View of the ?Reconstructed
Elementary School? and Its Planning by the City of Tokyo Construction Bureau]. Bulletin of The
Graduate School of Education, The University of Tokyo, Vol. 46 pp. 21-30.
Krishna, Anirudh. (2007). How Does Social Capital Grow? A Seven-Year Study of Villages in
India. Journal of Politics Vol. 69 No. 4 pp. 941-956.
LaRose, Greg. (2006). Asian businesses drive eastern New Orleans recovery. New Orleans City
Business 2 October.
Lee, Matthew and Bartkowski, John. (2004). Love Thy Neighbor? Moral Communities, Civic
Engagement, and Juvenile Homicide in Rural Areas. Social Forces Vol. 82, No. 3 pp. 1001-1035.
Leyden, Kevin. (2003). Social Capital and the Built Environment: The Importance of Walkable
Neighborhoods. American Journal of Public Health Vol. 93 No. 9 pp. 1546-1551.
Lietaer, Bernard. (2004). Complementary Currencies in Japan Today: History, Originality and
Relevance. International Journal of Community Currency Research Vol.8 pp.1-23.
Olshansky, Robert. (Forthcoming). Reconstruction after the Kobe Earthquake. In Olshansky,
Johnson, Topping, eds., Disaster Recovery. Illinois: University of Illinois.
Olson, Mancur. (1965). The logic of collective action; public goods and the theory of groups.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Ono, Mas?ki. (1998). Kant? daishinsai to Gakk? no Fukk? ? T?ky?shi no Fukk? Katei wo Jirei
to shite [The restoration of schools and the Great Kanto Earthquake: A Case Study of the Process
of Rebuilding Tokyo]. Bulletin of Universities and Institutes, Institute of Humanities and Social
Sciences, Nihon University Vo. 56 pp. 119-135.
Perrow, Charles. (2007). The Next Catastrophe. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press.
Poley, Lisa and Stephenson, Max. (2007). Community and the Habits of Democratic Citizenship:
An Investigation into Civic Engagement, Social Capital and Democratic Capacity-Building in
U.S. Cohousing Neighborhoods. Paper prepared for the 103rd annual meeting of the American
Political Science Association, Chicago, Illinois.
Pronyk, Paul M., Harpham, Trudy, Busza, Joanna, Phetla, Godfrey, Morison, Linda A,
Hargreaves, James R., Kim, Julia C.,Watts, Charlotte H. and Porter, John. (2008). Can social
capital be intentionally generated? A randomized trial from rural South Africa. Social Science &
Medicine Vol. 67 pp. 1559?1570.
Richey, Sean. (2007). Manufacturing Trust: Community Currencies and the Creation of Social
Capital. Political Behavior Vol. 29 pp. 69-88.
Shaw, Rajib and Goda, Katsuhiro. (2004). From Disaster to Sustainable Civil Society: The Kobe
Experience. Disasters Vol. 28 No. 1 pp. 16 -40.
Small, Mario Luis. (2009). Unanticipated Gains: Origins of Network Inequality in Everyday Life.
New York: Oxford University Press.
Tsuji, Katsuji. (2001). Saigai Katei to Saisei Katei: Hanshin-Awaji Daishinsai no Sh?jojishi
[The Course of Disaster and Recovery: A Short Epic about the Hanshin Awaji Earthquake].
Kyoto: K?y? Shob? Publishers.
Varshney, Ashutosh. (2001). Ethnic Conflict and Civil Society: India and Beyond. World
Politics. Vol. 53 No. 3 pp. 362-398.
Woolcock , Michael. (2002). Social Capital in Theory and Practice: Reducing Poverty by
Building Partnerships between States, Markets and Civil Society. In Social Capital and Poverty
Reduction: Which role for civil society organizations and the State? France: UNESCO, pp.20-
Woolcock, Michael and Radin, Elizabeth. (2008). A Relationship Approach to the Theory and
Practices of Economic Development. In Dario Castiglione, Jan W. van Deth, and Guglielmo
Wolleb, eds. The Handbook of Social Capital. New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 411-437.
Yasui, Etsuko. (2007). Community Vulnerability and Capacity in Post Disaster Recover: The
Cases of Mano and Mikura Neighborhoods in the Wake of the1995 Kobe Earthquake.
Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation for the University of British Columbia.